Nicolas Schmit, the European Commissioner for Jobs and Social Rights, was chosen unopposed as the Spitzenkandidat for the Party of European Socialists (PES) in the 2024 EU Parliament (EP) elections. The nomination of the soft-spoken EU insider surprised many political analysts, as the party chose not to nominate one of their better-known stars. However, Schmit brings a wealth of experience and a pragmatic approach to the table. His PartyParty profile below explores his life, achievements, and potential challenges in his bid for President of the European Commission.
Who is Nicolas Schmit?
Schmit was born on December 10, 1953, in Differdange, Luxembourg. He obtained a Master of Arts from the Institut d’études politiques (Sciences Po) in Aix-en-Provence, followed by a Post-graduate Diploma of Advanced Studies (DEA) in International Relations from Aix-en-Provence. Schmit also holds a Doctorate in Economics from the Faculty of Law and Economics at Aix-Marseille University.
Interesting facts about his life
- Schmit is multilingual, fluent in Luxembourgish, French, German, and English.
- He also holds a Master’s Degree in French Literature.
- As a son of a steelworker, he comes from a working-class background.
- He has spoken about how his father witnessed the tragic event of his own father being shot dead in their family kitchen during World War II by German soldiers in a clash with French troops – a trauma that profoundly influenced his political views.
Career highlights and political milestones
Schmit has held several key positions throughout his political career. His journey in politics began in the early 1980s, working in various capacities within the Luxembourg government. His career began as an attaché in the Prime Minister’s office (1979), followed by the Foreign Ministry, and later as Secretary to the Luxembourg Socialist Workers’ Party’s delegation in the Chamber of Deputies (1989) and a member of the Council of State (1991).
After that, he held ministerial positions in Luxembourg, where he served as Minister of Labour, Employment, and Social and Solidarity Economy (2009-2018) and as Minister-Delegate for Foreign Affairs and Immigration (2004-2009). Before becoming European Commissioner for Jobs and Social Rights in 2019, he was briefly a Member of the European Parliament (July-November 2019).
Schmit has made significant contributions both as a national minister and as European Commissioner. During his ministerial term in Luxembourg, he implemented policies to enhance employment, workers’ rights, and social security.
At the EU level, Schmit has launched the €100 billion European Social Fund+ programme to boost job creation and labour mobility, proposed an EU legal instrument for fair minimum wages, and worked on implementing the European Pillar of Social Rights to improve working conditions and social protection. He has also introduced the European Child Guarantee to combat child poverty, updated the Skills Agenda, and advocated for a European Unemployment Benefit Reinsurance Scheme and the European Labour Authority. His initiatives, including the Youth Guarantee, aim to reduce youth unemployment and enhance access to education and training across the EU.
Securing the 2024 nomination
Schmit’s nomination as the PES’ Spitzenkandidat seemed to be a smooth process, with no major controversies or opposition. Schmit was the sole candidate who came forward by the January 17 deadline and secured the necessary backing from at least nine PES full member parties, including his own Luxembourg Socialist Workers’ Party (LSAP). The PES Working Group confirmed that Schmit met all the required criteria, and his candidacy received broad support from major PES members such as the German SPD and Spanish PSOE.
On March 2, Schmit was officially elected by acclamation as the PES Common Candidate at the party’s Election Congress in Rome. The nomination process was described as “open, transparent, and democratic” by PES, with no other candidates contesting his nomination. Schmit’s extensive experience as an EU Commissioner and government minister in Luxembourg was highlighted as qualifying him for the role, and ultimately making him a unifying candidate.
Campaign strategies and voter appeal
Overall, Schmit’s strategy reflects a progressive, pro-EU agenda that balances social, democratic, and environmental priorities, targeting both moderate and left-wing voters. His campaign so far is centred around three main themes: strengthening social rights and workers’ protections, defending democracy, and tackling the climate crisis through a “Green Social Deal.”
In his nomination speech, Schmit pledged to combat the cost-of-living crisis by enhancing social rights, drawing on his experience as the European Commissioner for Jobs and Social Rights, positioning himself as an advocate for a stronger Europe that prioritises the well-being of workers, farmers, and those facing economic insecurity. On environmental issues, Schmit has pledged to address the climate emergency through balancing urgent climate action with social justice. He advocates for re-evaluating the EU’s Green Deal to better support farmers and streamline bureaucracy.
Additionally, Schmit is firmly committed to defending democracy by opposing far-right populism. He has unequivocally stated that the Socialists and Democratswill not cooperate with far-right parties, highlighting the fundamental differences in their visions for Europe. This positions his campaign as a bulwark against the rise of far-right forces.
This stance is reinforced by the recent joint declaration, titled “United in Defence of Democracy,” signed by the Socialists & Democrats, Renew Europe, The Greens/EFA, and The Left groups in the European Parliament. They called on Ursula von der Leyen to reject any cooperation with far-right and radical parties and criticise her ambiguity towards members of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, linking rising violence and hate speech to the growing popularity of far-right parties.
Main challenges and controversies
Some commentators have noted that he lacks the popularity and name recognition of his main opponent, von der Leyen, raising concerns about his ability to galvanise widespread voter support. This has led to questions about whether PES missed an opportunity to nominate a more charismatic or well-known figure, reflecting broader issues with the Spitzenkandidat system. In general, critics argue that the system often fails to produce the best candidates, as parties sometimes settle for compromise choices who may not be the strongest contenders in a high-profile election, and serving national leaders may not wish to take the risk of losing their national career if they run.
Additionally, the Council is not obligated to appoint the lead candidate of the winning party, further complicating the system and raising questions about its effectiveness in delivering strong, voter-supported leaders. This argument is further reinforced by the fact that, similar to von der Leyen, constituents cannot directly vote for Schmit either, as neither is running for a seat in the European Parliament.
The road ahead: 2024 elections outlook
By selecting a figure who is mostly influential in the ‘Brussels bubble’, the PES is positioning Schmit as a versatile candidate, with a strong EU profile, who could aim for influential roles other than the Commission presidency, which the Socialists have little realistic hope of conquering..
This pragmatic approach allows the PES to adapt to post-election negotiations, depending on the composition of the new European Parliament, especially as the liberals currently holding the European Council presidency are losing support. This strategy reflects the PES’s effort to anticipate power dynamics and potential power-sharing agreements, including a possible extension of von der Leyen’s tenure as Commission President.
While the EPP is leading in the polls, the PES, as the second-strongest party, can unite centrist and progressive forces to increase their bargaining power. A coalition involving the S&D, Renew Europe, and possibly the Greens could counterbalance the EPP’s expected dominance in post-election negotiations. The most recent initiative against cooperating with the far-right seems to be reinforcing this approach. However, it remains uncertain whether this strategy will enhance the negotiating position for PES and its potential partners, or inadvertently strengthen far-right groups like ECR and ID.
